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All the lock screen background images have file sizes larger than mb. Just rename those and save them. Save yourself those precious minutes. There were two copies of it, one with a aspect ratio and another with an aspect ratio that looked like it was made for a smartphone.

After deleting both, the lockscreen changed the image, but the next time I looked at the lockscreen, it went back to showing the picture that I had just deleted, just the description was for a different picture. Do you have any idea where Windows is getting the picture from? Hi Charles, I expect that Windows comes with a lock screen service that loads new images periodically from the internet.

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The balance tests and models with controls mitigate some of these concerns but not fully. Another substantive concern is the highly racialized nature of the Charleston shooting.

Unlike other shootings such as Stockton, Columbine, Newtown, Aurora, Las Vegas, or Parkland, which targeted schools or other public settings but were not explicitly racially motivated, the Charleston shooter was a white supremacist who targeted a black church for the explicit purpose of igniting a race war.

It is difficult to assess in what ways the racial motivation of the shooter may have affected the responses of various social groups in the American public. This latter response is distinct from the social-violence-induced anxiety stimulus we seek here to un- derstand. Given these constraints, we reinforce these natural, quasi-experimental results by analyzing the relationship between anxiety and guncontrol attitudes using standard linear regression methods on the same survey data.

Observational Analysis As a next step, we specified linear regression models using the same dependent variable as described earlier. The survey included three measures that relate to anxiety about vic- timization. Unfortunately, these items do not address mass shootings but are more broadly about crime. We assert that these two additional items can serve as proxies for the level of underlying anxiety a person may have.

If this is the case, we expect a positive correlation between these measures and support for gun control. We also include key demograph- ics as follows: gender, age, education, income, race white or black , and born-again Protes- tant.

All variables have been recorded on 0—1 scales consistent with the original nature of the scale. Table A5. While low racially resentful respondents reveal a statistically significant discontinuity coefficient, the linear hypothesis testing the two D coefficients is insignificant. This indicates that preexisting anxiety about crime did not affect response to gun control in the context of the shooting.

Finally, Table A5. This suggests that regardless of subgroup membership, people have similar responses to an anxiety-inducing exogenous event such as a shooting. Anxious About Social Violence 9 The first set of regressions in Table 2 corresponds to all respondents. The second set of regressions presented in Table 2 corresponds to gun owners. The literature to date has shown that gun owners may be less fearful and exhibit fewer phobias Dowd-Arrow, Hill, and Burdette, However, we know less about whether or not anxiety and fear con- tribute to support for gun control among gun owners.

First, consistent with the extant literature, partisanship, ideology, small government be- liefs, experience with victimization, and gun ownership are all statistically significant and negative predictors of gun control preferences.

Racial resentment is also negative, con- sistent with expectations. The measure is not statistically significant in two of the three models but that is because the model includes nonwhites. In the models with whites only, racial resentment is significant in all three models see supplementary Appendix Table A5. Income, being a woman, and age are positive predictors of support for gun control. Rela- tive to Hispanics, whites and blacks appear less supportive of gun control.

This reassures us as to the quality of our overall results. Table 2, Model 1, shows the results of a model that includes the item about being afraid to walk in the dark. The coefficient for this measure of fear is positive and statistically significant.

The results suggest that those who are fearful of walking in the dark around their neighborhood are 3 percent more supportive of gun control. Similarly, the coefficient related to perception of crime in the nation is positive and statistically significant.

The coefficient corresponding to perceptions about crime in the community is not statistically significant but it is positive. The next set of three models focuses specifically on those who have a gun in the home. Among this group, victimization does not have a significant effect on support for gun con- trol.

However, as was the case with the general population, racial resentment, ideology, partisanship, and beliefs in small government significantly depressed support for gun con- trol. Egalitarianism, being a woman, age, and income corresponded to higher support for gun control even among those in gun owning households. This suggests that there are few differences in the underlying structure of how gun owners approach gun control relative to the population at large.

Next we look at our proxy measures of anxiety. In the first model, the coefficient for afraid to walk in the dark is positive but not statistically significant. However, the coeffi- cient for both perceptions of crime in the nation and in the community is positive and statistically significant. Among those in gun owning households, anxiety arising from be- liefs that crime is ascendant in the country or in the local community corresponds to an increase in support for gun control of 10 percent and 9 percent, respectively.

Since other studies have documented differences in the structure of gun control pref- erences between whites and people of color Filindra and Kaplan, , the Appendix supplementary Table A5 includes the same models broken down for white and nonwhite respondents.

These results show that among whites, fear of walking in the dark and beliefs that the national crime rate is increasing positively contribute to support for gun control. Among blacks, it is the two contextual variables, perceptions of the national and local community crime rates, that correlate significantly with support for gun control. Overall, our results suggest that anxiety operates in similar ways across race groups.

These results have limitations. The measures do not relate directly to anxiety about mass shootings or violent demonstrations but to more broad fears about crime. The study included a nationally representative sample of people drawn from an online panel by the survey provider Lucid.

The sample was prestrat- ified to ensure that it matched the U. Although this is a nonprobability sample, studies show that Lucid samples provide results that are similar to those produced by a probability sample Tausanovitch et al. The survey included an experiment meant to assess whether anxiety about mass shoot- ings increases support for gun control.

Half of the respondents were randomly assigned to a question asking respondents to indicate how true or false four-point scale were each of the following statements: 1 Thinking about mass shootings makes me feel anxious; 2 I am scared that someone I know could be a victim in a mass shooting; 3 the idea that I could be hurt in a mass shootings is frightening to me. The other half of the respondents were asked a set of three questions about furniture design.

Specifically, the questions asked how true or false four-point scale were each of the following statements: 1 Simplicity is the key to furniture design; 2 clean lines make furniture inviting and attractive; 3 most people prefer function over form when it comes to furniture.

This setup allows us to test what effect induced anxiety as relates to mass shootings may have on gun policy preferences and also, among those who received the anxiety treatment, whether anxiety salience is positively correlated with gun policy preferences.

Our treatment variable is an indicator denoting 1 for the treatment and 0 for the con- trol. Our anxiety salience independent variable is an additive index of the three measures listed above. This measure is rescaled to range from 0 to 1 continuous scale. The dependent variable is a continuous measure scaled from 0 to 1. Descriptive statistics are in supplementary Appendix Table B1 and a bal- ance table is in supplementary Appendix Table B2.

Given the continuous nature of our dependent variable, we specified OLS regression models. Table 3, Column 1, presents the results of a linear regression model that includes only the anxiety treatment variable. The coefficient is positive and statistically significant. The results suggest that eliciting thoughts about anxiety in the context of mass shootings in- creases support for gun control by 4 percent on our dependent variable. The mean support for gun control among those in the control group is 53 percent, but among the treatment group it increases to 58 percent.

Studies show that more Americans oppose a ban on handguns even as they strongly support other forms of gun control Filindra and Kaplan, Model 2 controls for all variables shown in the table. The base in Model 3 reflects those respondents who received the anxiety treatment. Model 2, which includes demographic controls, shows that the significant relationship remains even when controlling for several demographic variables and gun ownership.

Table 3, Model 3, is based on those respondents who received the anxiety treatment only. Here, the key in- dependent variable is anxiety salience, that is, how anxious people reported being in the thought of mass shootings.

The results show that the level of anxiety reported by respondents is a statistically significant and positive predictor of support for gun con- trol. None of the demographic predictors is significant but this could be a function of a relatively small sample. When anxiety is removed from the model, gender becomes statistically significant. Studies suggest that gun owners are less anxious and phobic overall but tend to be sensi- tive to the issue of mass shootings Dowd-Arrow, Hill, and Burdette, Our analyses so far show that when it comes to fear as a stable predisposition, respondents in gun own- ing households react in the same way as those who do not own firearms.

The observational data show that gun owners who believe that the national crime rate or the community crime rate is increasing are more likely to support gun control than those who do not harbor similar beliefs. This experiment allows us to test whether inducing anxiety about mass shootings has differential effects on gun owners and non-gun owners.

In Table 4, Model 1, we present the results of a regression that includes our two key predictors, the treatment variable and gun ownership, both of which are statistically significant.

Table 4, Model 2, further includes an interaction between gun ownership and the treatment. For ease of interpreting the results, we split the sample between non-gun owners and those who have a gun in the household. However, the prime appears to have no effect on gun owners Model 3. These results suggest that induced anxiety about mass shootings increases support for gun control but only among non-gun owners.

Contrary to Dowd-Arrow, Hill, and Burdette , we find that those who have a firearm in the household do not appear to be as susceptible to anxiety about mass shootings. Experiment II: Social Violence So far we have presented evidence that anxiety related to mass shootings leads to in- creased support for gun control.

These findings reinforce extant literature by providing additional causal support. This experiment also includes a manipulation check that directly measures anxiety.

This survey experiment was fielded between March 2—18, and it included completed responses from a sample of self-identified white Americans drawn from the Qualtrics panel.

Although the survey is not a probability sample, gender within age quotas were used to ensure a closer demographic match to the ANES. Survey respondents were randomly assigned to one of two groups. A Dangerous World is Closing In. Ter- rorists. Similar to the original article, the treatment included pictures from violent protests.

Both the text and the pictures were selected to induce fear and anxiety among our respondents. To avoid the activation of outgroup considerations, the pictures depict white rioters. The treatments can be found in supplementary Appendix C. Balance tests on several demographic variables show no statistically significant difference in the allocation of respondents between the two groups, with the exception of educa- tion.

Only 39 percent of the control group members hold college degrees, compared to 53 percent of those in the treatment group. Given this imbalance, we performed analyses with and without demographic controls. The results from both are very similar.

Following exposure to the treatment, we included a manipulation check to ensure that the treatment elicited the expected emotional response. Respondents were asked to identify how they felt by choosing three from a list of 16 items tapping four dis- tinct emotions: anxiety, enthusiasm, anger, and disgust.

These items are drawn from the literature on emotions in social psychology and political science Albertson and Gadarian, Four items correspond to anxiety: 1 worried, 2 anxious, 3 fearful, and 4 afraid.

An additional four items correspond to anger, which, according to the literature, often co-occurs with anxiety in many settings Lerner et al. These items are as follows: 1 mad, 2 angry, 3 irritated, and 4 upset. We created a binary variable mea- suring anxiety by counting whether or not a respondent selected at least one of these items. We followed the same procedure to create a measure of anger.

A cross-tabulation with our treatment variable shows that of the respondents assigned to the treatment con- dition 70 percent reported that the article made them feel anxious. By comparison, only 32 of people assigned to the control group 13 percent reported feeling anxious as a result of reading the control story about Ikea furniture.

Similarly, 65 percent of the re- spondents in the treatment condition reported feelings of anger, but only 8 percent in the control condition said that the article made them feel angry. We specified a logistic regression using our measure of anxiety as the dependent variable and the treatment as the main independent variable and we controlled for anger Table 5. The results remain the same when demo- graphic controls are included in the model.

The same is the case if we exclude speeders and those who failed attention checks. The dependent variable used in this analysis is a gunpolicy index that is very similar to the one that was employed in our first analysis. The supplementary Appendix provides descriptive statistics for all items in the index.

Table 6 shows the results of OLS regression models with and without controls. This effect is similar in magnitude to the ones presented earlier dependent variables are on the same 0—1 continuous scales. It suggests that exposure to an anxiety-inducing treatment about social violence increases support for gun control by 4 percent. The mean support for gun control among respondents in the control condition is This suggests that anxiety pushes individuals who are already strong supporters of gun control as is the general population to more strongly support restrictions.

We also sought to address whether gun owners may respond differently than non-gun owners to induced anxiety related to social violence.

One reason for the null interaction is that the experiment may be underpowered for interactions. This makes it im- possible for us to determine whether the null effect is a real finding or simply the result of insufficient statistical power. If the result is in fact a representation of reality, this may sug- gest that anxiety related to different social phenomena may affect gun owners differently.

Future research needs to address these questions. Overall, results from this experiment further strengthen our contention that anxiety induced by social violence, not only mass shootings, can increase support for gun control among the public. Our studies also suggest that different types of anxiety may have similar effects on support for gun control, which would be consistent with Lerner et al. More research is needed on the effects of anxiety both in terms of situationally-induced anxiety and stable measures of anxiety as a trait.

Additionally, scholars have suggested that anxiety can be framed by political actors and directed to motivated ends Albertson and Gadarian, This suggests that certain population subgroups may respond differently to anxiety.

This is especially the case for partisans cf. Joslyn and Haider-Markel, More research is needed to address possible polarizing effects of partisanship and ideology in the context of anxiety. Limitations Experiments provide evidence of causal relationships, but they also come with limita- tions. First, to the degree that our sample is not reflective of the population, our findings are limited in terms of external validity. The fact that our demographics closely track the ANES provides some reassurance in this respect.

Although the effect sizes that we present in this article are rather small, it is important to note that even small effect sizes can have important social consequences when scaled up and translated into population- and policy-level outcomes McCartney and Rosenthal, Furthermore, the effect size should be evaluated in the context of how easy or difficult it is to move attitudes or behavior in a particular domain Prentice and Miller, Conclusion There is bitter irony in the stipulated relationship between mass shootings and social- violence—induced anxiety and support for gun control.

Lacking any strong identity-based appeals, supporters of gun control have had to focus their messaging, at least in part, on anxiety. Public health messaging that emphasizes the prevalence of gun violence and the effects on victims of mass shootings and other gun-related incidents can activate anxiety. However, our results and those of others show that the positive effect of anxiety on gun control preferences is modest and time limited.

A mass shooting, like the Roof case in Charleston, SC in , can act as a focusing event that activates anxiety. But the effects can quickly dissipate. Mobilizing anxiety to sustain a gun control movement may require high and prolonged levels of social violence. Gun rights activists, on the other hand, rely on things that are easier to mobilize and sustain over time: identities. Studies suggest that identities are central motivators of ac- tion in politics.

Identities certainly play a key role in the domain of gun control driving policy preferences Filindra and Kaplan, , partisan preferences Lacombe, Howat, and Rothschild, , and voter turnout Joslyn, At the same time, anger and enthusiasm, which are often activated by identity threat, can mobilize people to vote and to be politically engaged Valentino and Neuner, Given the strong social identities prevalent among gun owners, gun activists can easily communicate identity threats to elicit anger or point to potential policy successes to create enthusiasm.

Thus, the asymmetry in mobilization and influence in the gun control debate may be located in good part in the role of emotions that each side is able to activate. New York: Cambridge University Press. Barney, David J. Best, Samuel J. Krueger, and Shanna Pearson-Merkowitz. Brader, Ted, Nicholas A. Valentino, and Elizabeth Suhay. Anxiety, Group Cues, and Immigration Threat. Callcut, Rachael A. Robles, Lucy Z. Kornblith, Rebecca E. Plevin, and Matthew W. Cattaneo, Matias D.

Celinska, Katarzyna. Davis, Darren W. Dowd-Arrow, Benjamin, Terrence D. Hill, and Amy M. Dowler, Kenneth. Eysenck, MIchael W. Anxiety: The Cognitive Perspective.

Filindra, Alexandra, and Noah J. Filindra, Alexandra, Noah J. Kaplan, and Beyza Buyuker. Joslyn, Mark R. The Gun Gap. New York: Oxford University Press. Keil, Thomas J. Kleck, Gary. Lacombe, Matthew J. Howat, and Jacob E. LaPierre, Wayne. Lerner, Jennifer S. Gonzalez, Deborah A. Small, and Baruch Fischhoff. Lichtblau, Eric, and Motoko Rich. Liu, Gina, and Douglas J. McCarthy, Tom, and Lauren Gambino. McCartney, Kathleen, and Robert Rosenthal.

McGinty, Emma E. Webster, and Colleen L. Neuman, Russell, George E. Marcus, Ann N. Crigler, and Michael MacKuen. Newman, Benjamin J. Page, Benjamin I. Pew Research Center. The Demographics of Gun Ownership. Prentice, Deborah A.

Rogowski, Jon C. Stroebe, Wolfgang, N. Pontus Lander, and Arie W. Valentino, Nicholas A. Supporting Information Additional supporting information may be found online in the Supporting Information section at the end of the article.

Black Split Sample Table A5. Shrinking guns: A needs assessment on gun attitudes with staff at a rural community behavioral healthcare center. Shrinking guns: A needs assessment at a rural community integrated healthcare center. Humanities and Social Sciences Communications What is gun culture? Cultural variations and trends across the United States.

Sociological Inquiry Who Wants to Know? American Journal of Criminal Justice Willingness to shoot: Public attitudes toward defensive gun use. Journal of Criminal Justice The effect of perceived risk and victimization on plans to purchase a gun for self-protection.

Sociological Perspectives Queers with Guns? Journal of Criminal Justice Why do people support gun control? Save our streets: Findings from the impact evaluation of a cure violence replication project. Displays the range of different interviewing used in terms of employee selection and the effectiveness of each strategy.

The essay gives an overview of how useful interviewing is when a company is in the recruiting process. Ram Ahir. Rosario Undurraga. This article explores the ways in which recruitment and hiring practices can promote and sustain social inequality in a highly neoliberal country: Chile.

The article analyses six steps in the selection process. The research is based on 43 interviews with managers, human resources consultants, and candidates. It uses intersectional analysis to unpack dynamics of inequality in the selection processes in Chile.

The findings demonstrate high levels of explicit and severe discrimination in the labour market. Princes Plandez. Tran Ngoc Tinh. Chirag Sharma. Olivia Kyriakidou. Jane Parry. The report details the mixed methods research that we conducted for the Centre for Ageing Better on age-friendly workplaces. Key issues of focus are: reducing age bias is recruitment; promoting good quality flexible work; and maximising the benefits of age diversity at work.

Examples of good practice around these issues are discussed. A companion to the report is the employer report: Becoming an age-friendly employer, a good practice guide published in collaboration with Business in the Community. Srinivas Publication. The process of recruitment is a primary method of people absorption function in any organization.

Various companies small and big, strategize and adopt various tactics in choosing the right source of recruitment or hiring quality professionals on to their workforce. Therefore, this research aims to investigate or enquire the various research literature published on various main recruitment methods implemented in company's recruitment process or function.

In this paper, the resultant outcomes based on last 20 years literature investigation are discussed in detail through a systematic review. Accordingly, the relevant resultant outcomes post the literature investigation is published by making suggestions for sustenance in the industry.

Jaypee Medina. Jack Lee. Maria Aleem. Abdulla Zameer. Nicola Mason. Una Daly. Howard H Frederick. Muhammad Saadi. Adele Ladkin , Dimitrios Buhalis. Huy Pham. Xinxin Huang. Rocky Nicholoson.

Antonius R Hippolyte , Abdallah I. Elsie Karikari-Yeboah. Log in with Facebook Log in with Google. Remember me on this computer.

Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. Need an account? Click here to sign up. Download Free PDF. Critically assess the usefulness of the employment interview as a means of employee selection. Seyda Oates. Abstract Displays the range of different interviewing used in terms of employee selection and the effectiveness of each strategy. Related Papers. Bulletin of Latin American Research Who will get the job? Hiring practices and inequalities in the Chilean labour market.

The behavioural science of recruitment and selection. Australian recruitment practices report-httpssmartworkplaces. Recruitment and selection in ssipl ltd-. Recruitment, Selection and Retention.

Critically assess the usefulness of the employment interview as a means of employee selection When it comes to employee selection there are several different factors for an employer to consider, as taking on a new member of staff could be a potential risk to an organisation. For instance, if the employee is not suitable for the work needed, in worst case scenarios, it could ultimately result in causing financial problems for the organisation.

Through the development of human resources within firms over the years, certain regulations and procedures are used to prevent any breach of human rights Hackett, Lapierre and Gardiner, Piotrowski and Armstrong cited in Bratton and Gold, p. Studies showed that this survey actually found that honesty and the possibility of violent behaviour could be predicted, and it has benefitted many employers ever since.

The traditional method of employee selection is seen as simply creating a job specification and description where applications and CVs can be evaluated through administration. In organisations such as Morrisons Bratton and Gold, p. For example, they must be able to sell their service to the best of their ability, providing charisma and confidence. Employment interview is a conversational evaluation between an applicant and a representative of a company in which important questions and a general judgement is made for employee selection Segrest Purkiss et al.

Within the method of employment interview there are a variety of different types of interviews that are used by employers to make the selection process easier.

These can vary as both approaches will be searching for different qualities in a potential employee. For instance, organisations that have a soft HR approach may use interviews that are more focused on behaviour, attitude and perhaps include discussion about personal history, thus, giving the employer the ability to measure the benefits of hiring e.

Conversely, a business that has a hard HR approach are more focused on testing the ability of the applicant working under pressure or putting into practise the requirement of the job and then evaluating the outcome of their performance, e. There is a certain procedure that an employee must undergo prior to the interviewing. After mastering this research, practise must be done in order to make a good first impression during the interview.

These steps must be followed in order to have a successful interview, regardless of what job it is. Additionally, to make a good first impression, appearance, eye contact and strong and confident speech all give the employer more incentive to hire. These characteristics are essential when introducing yourself to an employer as they must see the best form of the employee in order to make a decision of recruiting.

The STAR technique is used as a list of concepts to guide interviewees before their interview. It is divided into four sections; situation, task, activity and result. This technique is a method to explain a past experience to an employer, thus beginning with the situation the applicant experienced. For instance, a group presentation was due, however, one member failed to attend. Using this specific scenario as an example, the applicant must explain the task and activity that they were responsible for taking control of, while also being able to clarify how they accomplished it.


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